The possessive classifier systems of Oceanic languages can provide a unique insight into the origin and nature of gender. Typically, a noun can occur with different classifiers, depending on how the possessed item is used by the possessor (Lichtenberk, 1983). For example, wi ‘water’ in Lewo (Vanuatu) occurs with either the drinkable or the general classifier (Early, 1994:216).
1a. | ma-na | wi |
---|---|---|
CL.DRINK-3SG | water | |
‘her (drinking) water’ |
1b. | sa-na | wi |
---|---|---|
CL.GEN-3SG | water | |
‘her (washing) water’ |
In marked contrast, North Ambrym’s (Vanuatu) cognate for water – we – occurs only with the drinkable classifier (2a), not the general classifier (2b) (Franjieh, 2016:95):
2a. | ma-n | we |
---|---|---|
CL.DRINK-3SG | water | |
‘his/her water (for any purpose)’ |
2b. | mwena-n | we |
---|---|---|
CL.GEN-3SG | water | |
intended:‘her water’ |
We argue that North Ambrym’s innovative system resembles a gender system: a noun occurs with a particular classifier regardless of contextual interactions. We ask whether gender systems can indeed emerge from possessive classifiers in this way. If so, we must then uncover how and why languages would relinquish a useful, meaningful classificatory system, and adopt a rigid, apparently unmotivated gender system.
We have designed a suite of novel experiments to compare possessive classifier systems. We chose these six Oceanic languages: Merei, Lewo, Vatlongos, North Ambrym (Vanuatu), Nêlêmwa and Iaai (New Caledonia), for two main reasons: (i) each has a different inventory size of classifiers, from a two-way distinction to a more complex inventory of twenty-three; and (ii) these classifier systems represent varying degrees of informativeness: some have transparent semantic motivation, whereas others have opaque assignment. Now effective categorisation needs to be simple, to minimise cognitive load, and informative, to maximise communicative efficiency (Hawkins, 2004). Our sample languages allow us to investigate the trade-off between these two principles of simplicity and informativeness.
We have conducted three experiments so far, involving 122 speakers, on our sample languages: (i) free listing, (ii) card sorting, and (iii) video vignettes. Free listing establishes central members of a classifier’s semantic domains, which vary from language to language. Card sorting reveals how speakers categorise relevant nouns and whether conceptual groupings map onto classifiers. Finally the video vignettes depict typical and atypical interactions with different items; they determine whether speakers are free to use different classifiers (as is generally believed) or whether there is a rigid assignment of nouns to classifiers.
We present data, suggesting that the classifier systems tested represent different stages of grammaticalisation from classifier to gender marker. They reveal intriguing inter-speaker variation in classifier choice, which helps establish the relative optimality of each system.
This combination of typology with psycholinguistics promises to shed new light on the development and functioning of systems of nominal classification. We are keen to have feedback before conducting the second round of psycholinguistic experiments in the field.
References:
Early, Robert. 1994. A Grammar of Lewo, Vanuatu. Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University, Canberra.
Franjieh, Michael. 2016. Indirect Possessive Hosts in North Ambrym: Evidence for Gender. Oceanic Linguistics 55:87-115.
Hawkins, John. A. 2004. Efficiency and Complexity in Grammars. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lichtenberk, Frantisek. 1983. Relational Classifiers. Lingua 60(2-3):147–176.